By Nigel Bowles
For all of the issue-stories” (as Bowles phrases them), he considers the president’s bargaining merits: his authority (constitutional and statutory), well known status, and private characteristics. He then solutions Neustadt’s dual questions: What used to be the president’s inheritance?” and What was once his legacy?”
Bowles’s selected circumstances characterize financial coverage, salary and cost coverage, overseas financial coverage, and family financial coverage. via those analyses, Bowles bargains new views on Nixon’s use of authority and tool; his dealings with and perspectives of senior politicians and power-brokers; his ruthlessness and political ingenuity; the methods his reports as congressman, senator, and vice chairman formed his method of the presidency; and his subordination of different goals to his force for re-election in 1972. He concludes that Nixon used the restricted authority he had less than the separation of powers to the fullest measure, usually thereby augmenting his strength within the non permanent, yet undermining it within the longer-term.
Nixon’s Business is the 1st publication to make systematic use of Neustadt’s an important framework in figuring out a selected presidency; the 1st to investigate empirically the parts of Nixon’s authority and gear; and the 1st to illustrate the results of either for knowing the establishment of the U.S. presidency.
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Additional info for Nixon's Business: Authority and Power in Presidential Politics
5 million. The number of persons below the poverty income line declined in 1968 by 4 million, the largest such reduction in any one year in recorded American history. 10 The inﬂationary threat had emerged much earlier. 25 percent in August, following passage of Johnson’s surcharge. 5 percent in the month before Nixon took ofﬁce, the Fed implicitly acknowledged its error. For a president to begin his term by requesting a continuation of an emergency tax was bad enough. For a Republican president to begin a term by requesting a continuation of an emergency tax against which he had campaigned, and without the assistance of partisan Republican or ideological majorities in Congress, was worse.
In his ﬁrst presidential bid he had to defend an administration in which he had been a marginal ﬁgure; in his second he could follow his instincts and attack incumbent Democrats. 52 He both resented his exclusion and exaggerated it in order to turn it to his advantage, presenting himself as taking the “controversial” course—though his taking that path between 1946 and 1960 had precipitated the establishment’s unease about him. Nixon’s found political victory unsatisfying and incomplete. That was true even of his defeat of Hubert Humphrey in 1968.
Beneath the surface, however, the picture is more complicated and nuanced: formal authority is quite different from conventional expectations among politicians and ofﬁcials. First, Congress voluntarily shares its authority with the president. In 1939 it obliged the president to present an annual budget to Congress, and in 1946 it directed him to prepare and present an Economic Report, with the object of promoting maximum employment and price stability. These two steps made ﬁscalpolicy formation explicitly interactive on the basis of Congress’s extensive constitutional authority and the presidency’s statutory authority.