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By Bruce Robbins

Mapping moral and political entanglements and dilemmas of the globalizing US, "Feeling worldwide" articulates commitments to the liberal welfare-state while it pushes outward in the direction of modes of transnational harmony within the fight for human rights and democratized kinds of tradition. it is a courageous, stylish, and well timed ebook cognizant of global/local dialectics which are now pulling on the state country and unravelling the paradoxes of liberal humanism. No "monarch-of-all-I-survey," Bruce Robbins but risks a wry viewpoint of cosmopolitan globailty and, bankruptcy through bankruptcy, articulates the paradoexes of feeling international but final nationwide in struggles and claims. The readings of English sufferer, Kincaid, and the au pair postcolonial post-Bronte novels are well worth the fee of any cultural experiences and hyper-literary admission. The chapters on his father's aerial army paintings in US military situate the claims of globalized imaginative and prescient inside of a moral and political body that has scale, stability, pungency, and wit. this can be a welcome boost to the cultural feedback of globalization, with no the arrgonace or aridity of social technology sway: NYU Press may be applauded for its "Cultural entrance" sequence, and this suavely wrought synthesis of feeling international and nationwide, being cosmopolitan but entangled in American soiled roots.

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Extra resources for Feeling Global: Internationalism in Distress (Cultural Front)

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In contrast, internationalism, like aesthetics, seems to be defined by its disinterestedness. ) But no one lives on this high moral ground. Thus Reich seems to be making a safe bet. What is cos30 INTERNATIONALISM IN DISTRESS mopolitanism’s share of the electorate? What voters are going to cast their ballots for foreign profits? Except for arms-exporting industries, does cosmopolitanism have a constituency at all? The discussion above gestured toward an answer to these questions by proposing that self-interest is not necessarily either simple or national.

This perhaps explains the somewhat unstable emphasis in the chapters to follow. Most of them were written with the double aim of (1) developing an internationalist viewpoint that would avoid some of the distress produced by existing models, and (2) in defense of the welfare state, encouraging some provisional reconciliation with the more progressive champions of the new nationalism. Within that double intention, the balance has varied. This is one reason for being wary of this somewhat awkward enterprise, and there are others.

But what is the political valence of that interest? Is it their only interest? Reich describes cosmopolitanism as a free trader’s simple and unambiguous desire for the unregulated mobility of global capital. In his view, the archetypal representative of cosmopolitanism would be an antigovernment, “laissez-faire” figure like Newt Gingrich: On the one side are zero-sum nationalists, typically representing the views of routine producers and in-person servers, urging that government advance America’s economic interest — even at the expense of others around the globe.

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