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It is equally possible to consider the same data as they impinge on Braverman's Marxist thesis of deskilling, in which the skilled manual worker in particular looms large. In the first place, the decline in numbers of skilled workers (SEG 9) is as generally predicted by Braverman (1974). However, the rest of the picture is less clear, for rather than this decline being matched by an increase in semi- and unskilled work, to replace skilled workers in new production processes, the latter categories change little between 1921 and 1971.

Where one would wish to differ is in their analysis of the period after the First World War, when they underestimate the extent to which Scotland remained tied to the old staples until recent times. It would be wrong, however, to overemphasise the alternative view. In the first place, as their data show, the under-representative proportions of service employment begin to disappear during this century, and most ofthe broad brush changes move in parallel (1983, p. 27). Second, even though there was disproportionate dependence on increasingly non-viable old staple industries, there were considerable changes taking place even in - or even arguably because of- the Depression.

1980, and in particular the index). It only assumes prominence here because of the scale of Scottish emigration between the wars. We have the unusual situation among mobility studies of a society which has had a declining male workforce. 7 per cent. The male labour force declined 170000 over the same fifty years. We need to consider if this creates any special conditions of mobility. Even if the migrants are excluded, what effect did their moving have on those who stayed behind? The first thing to establish is that, despite emigration, there has been a surplus of male workers over jobs, as evidenced by the high unemployment rate.

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