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By Meghana Nayak

Decentering diplomacy seeks to actively confront, face up to, and rewrite diplomacy (IR), a seriously politicized box that's deeply based within the North/West and privileges sure views, pedagogies, and practices. Is it attainable to damage the chain of signifiers that usually leads IR stories again to the united states and its eu allies?  Through engagement with quite a few theories (ranging past the standard mainstream as opposed to critical/alternative binary), conversations with students, activists, and scholars, and session of IR syllabi and convention complaints, the authors invite the reader to take part in an obtainable but provocative scan to decenter the North/West after we research, research, and do IR. particularly, they learn how the urgent problems with human rights, globalization, peace and defense, and indigeneity are concurrently normative innovations intended to maintain specific strength constructions and websites for rebel and subversive makes an attempt to dwell IR on the margins. Selbin and Nayak have written a notable and provokative re-envisioning of a globally very important topic.

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How do we make sense of this convoluted representation? How do we decenter knowledge production about indigenous people, engage with indigenous knowledge claims in less exploitative ways, and reconsider so-called objectivity? Is it possible? In effect, where does knowledge come from? Much of the scholarly work on indigeneity is informed by ethnographic fieldwork and interviews. In her preface to From Tribal Village to Global Village, Brysk mentions in the context of her methodology how ‘fellow academics were concerned that [she] would become part of the process [she] was studying and somehow taint the objectivity of the result’ (Brysk, 2000: x).

But who or what constitutes a ‘native’? As we answer this question, we point out how the category of indigeneity – the image and idea of the native – serves to center IR in three essential ways: (1) by justifying the existence of the state and its importance as a central concern of IR; (2) by empowering institutions and states to decide, classify, and interrogate indigenous peoples’ identities and rights; and (3) by entrenching Northern/Western understandings of land and private property. ’ This brings us to our claim: in a profound and underappreciated sense, indigeneity was the ‘first’ IR topic.

Is there no use, then, for international institutions and law because of the problematic categorization of indigenous? We think the answer is more complicated than that. The gains of using these international institutions are, of course, potentially numerous. indd 33 10/8/10 12:52:55 34 / decentering international relations national/foreign policy so as to disentangle land ownership from ideas of capitalist property rights and eminent domain and from a state’s alleged sovereign right to a monopoly on the use of violence to protect its bounded territory.

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